Date : March 23rd, 1775
Place: Virginia
議長先生:
我比任何人更欽佩議會証上發言的先生們的愛國(按:不是愛黨)情操和才能. 但是, 對同一事物的看法往往因人而異. 因此, 儘管我的觀點與他們截然不同, 我還是要毫無保留地, 自由地予以闡述, 並且希望不要因此而被視為是對先生們的不敬.現在不是講客氣話的時候, 擺在議會代表們面前的問題關係到國家的存亡. 我認為, 這是關係到享受自由還是遭受奴役的大問題, 而且正由於它事關重大, 我們的辯論必須做到各抒己見. 只有這樣, 我們才有可能弄清真相, 才能不辜負上帝和國家賦予我們的重任. 在這種時刻, 如果怕冒犯別人而沉默不語, 我認為就是叛國, 就是對比世間所有君主更為神聖的上帝的不忠.
議長先生, 對希望抱有幻覺是人的天性. 我們容易流於閉起眼睛不願正視痛苦的現實, 並傾聽海妖惑人的歌聲, 讓她把我們化作禽獸. 在為自己而艱苦卓絕的鬥爭中, 這難道是有理智的人的作為嗎? 難道我們願意成為一個對於獲得自由這樣休戚相關的事卻視而不見, 充耳不聞的人嗎? 對我來說, 無論在精神上有多麼痛苦, 我仍然願意了解全部事實, 真相和最壞的事態, 並為它做好充分的準備.
我只有一盞指路明燈，那就是經驗之燈。除了過去的經驗，我沒有什麼別的方法可以判斷未來。而依據過去的經驗，我倒希望知道，10年來英國政府的所作所為，憑什麼足以使各位先生有理由滿懷希望，並欣然用來安慰自己和議會難道就是最近接受我們請願時的那種狡詐的微笑嗎？不要相信這種微笑，先生，事實已經證明它是你們腳邊的陷階。不要被人家的親吻出賣吧！請你們自問，接受我們請願時的和氣親善和遍布我們海陸疆域的大規模備戰如何能夠相稱？難道出於對我們的愛護與和解，有必要動用戰艦和軍隊嗎？難道我們流露過決不和解的願望，以至為了贏回我們的愛，而必須訴諸武力嗎？我們不要再欺騙自己了，先生。這些都是戰爭和征服的工具，是國王采取的最後論辯手殷。我要請問先生們，這些戰爭部署如果不是為了迫使我們就範，那又意味著什麼？哪位先生能夠指出有其他動機？難道在世界的這一角，還有別的敵人值得大不列顛如此興師動眾，集結起龐大的海陸武裝嗎？不，先生們，沒有任何敵人了。一切都是針對我們的，而不是別人。
他們是派來給我們套緊那條由英國政府長期以來鑄造的鎖鏈的。我們應該如何進行抵抗呢？還靠辯論嗎？先生，我們已經辯論了10年了。難道還有什麼新的御敵之策嗎？沒有了。我們已經從各方面經過了考慮，但一切都是枉然。難道我們還要苦苦哀告，卑詞乞求嗎？難道我們還有什麼更好盼策略沒有使用過嗎？ 先生，我請求你們，千萬不要再自欺欺人了。 為了阻止這場即將來臨的風暴，一切該做的都已經做了。 我們請願過，我們抗議過，我們哀求過；我們曾拜倒在英王御座前，懇成他制止國會和內閣的殘暴行徑。 可是，我們的請願受到蔑視，我們的抗議反而招致更多的鎮壓和侮辱，我們的哀求被置之不理。 我們被輕蔑地從御座邊一腳踢開了。 事到如今，我們怎麼還能沉迷於虛無縹渺的和平希望之中呢？ 沒有任何希望的餘地了。 假如我們想獲得自由，並維護我們長期以來為之獻身的崇高權利，假如我們不願徹底放棄我們多年來的鬥爭，不獲全勝，決不收兵。 那麼，我們就必須戰鬥！ 我再重複一遍，我們必須戰鬥！ 我們只有訴諸武力，只有求助於萬軍之主的上帝。
議長先生，他們說我們太弱小了，無法抵禦如此強大的敵人。 但是我們何時才能強大起來？ 是下週，還是明年？ 難道要等到我們被徹底解除武裝，家家戶戶都駐紮英國士兵的時候？ 難道我們猶豫遲疑、無所作為就能積聚起力量嗎？ 難道我們高枕而臥，抱著虛幻的希望，待到敵人捆住了我們的千腳，就能找到有效的御敵之策了嗎？ 先生們，只要我們能妥善地利用自然之神賜予我們的力量，我們就不弱小。 一旦300萬人民為了神聖的自由事業，在自己的國土上武裝起來，那麼任何敵人都無法戰勝我們，此外，我們並非孤軍作戰，公正的上帝主宰著各國的命運，他將號召朋友們為我們而戰，先生們，戰爭的勝利並非只屬於強者。 它將屬於那些機警、主動和勇敢的人們。 阿況我們已經別無選擇。 即使我們沒有骨氣，想退出戰鬥，也為時已晚。 退路已經切斷，除非甘受屈辱和奴役。 囚禁我們的咖鎖已經鑄成。 叮叮的鐐銬聲已經在波士頓草原上迴響。 戰爭已經無可避免——讓它來吧！ 我重複一遍，先生，讓它來吧！
企圖使事態得到緩和是徒勞的。 各位先生可以高喊：和平！ 和平！ 但根本不存在和平。 戰鬥實際上已經打響。 從北方刮來的風暴將把武器的鏗鏘迴響傳到我們耳中。 我們的弟兄已經奔赴戰場！ 我們為什麼還要站在這裡袖手旁觀呢？ 先生們想要做什麼？ 他們會得到什麼？ 難道生命就這麼可貴，和平就這麼甜蜜，竟值得以鐐銬和奴役作為代價？ 全能的上帝啊，制止他們這樣做吧！ 我不知道別人會如何行事；至於我，不自由，毋寧死!!
Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense , I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy , in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other.
They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active , the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace- - but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!
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